The 13 Days of August
Lafayette, Count Pulaski and the Stars and Stripes Join America's Revolution
During Thirteen Extraordinary Days At the Neshaminy Encampment at Moland House

Lafayette, Count Pulaski and the Stars and Stripes Join America's Revolution During Thirteen Extraordinary Days At the Neshaminy Encampment at Moland House
On August 10, 1777, General George Washington and the
Continental Army camped in rural Warwick Township in the County of Bucks,
Pennsylvania. The Moland family's farmhouse became his headquarters. For the next
thirteen days Washington stayed at Headquarters Farm as it was now known and the
Continental Army kept watch for British Army scouts and prepared for battle. These
next battles would be the Battles of Brandywine and Germantown.
The Marquis de Lafayette joined the Continental Army here.
He was a mere 19 years old. Washington was so impressed with the young man that
their friendship grew to be me more like a father and son. Lafayette used his power and
money to support the fledgling country. Where did the American flag first fly over
American troops? Read on...
The 13 Days of August
by Helen Gemmill
In most histories of the Revolution, the
Neshaminy encampment is quickly glossed over. In point of fact, it lasted thirteen days,
August 10-23, 1777, and was the third longest encampment in Pennsylvainia, exceeded
only by Whitemarsh and Valley Forge.
Furthermore, it is the place where
Layfayette officially assumed his command, where Count Pulaski was introduced to
Washington, and where Betsy Ross' flag is said to have been flown for the first time.
How the Continental Army Came to the Crossroads

General Washington
Never during the entire war was the
Commander-in-Chief more bewildered or frustrated than he was at this time, for he
could not locate the enemy. On July 25 he had been informed that the British fleet,
which had been anchored in the New York harbor, had sailed--but what was its
destination? Had General Howe headed north toward New England or south toward
Philadelphia?
Washington was then camped near
Morristown, New Jersey, and acting on a "conjecture" that the fleet was bound for
Philadelphia, he had set the army in motion and proceeded to the banks of the Delaware
River opposite Coryell's Ferry (now New Hope) to await further news. When a courier
arrived on July 30 and reported the British fleet had been sighted off Delaware Bay,
Washington decided to continue toward the city.
On the last day of July the soldiers were
ferried across the river and headed down York Road. Some of them marched straight
through to Germantown, but Lt. McMichael noted in his diary that his regiment "passed
Bogarts' Tavern" (now the General Greene Inn at Buckingham), and camped that night
at "the Cross roads in Warwick Township at 7 P.M."
The next morning (August 1st), they
resumed their march toward the city, never suspecting they would be back at the same
spot in little more than a week.
They swept through the Crooked Billet
(now Hatboro), and arrived at the "plains" above the Falls of the Schuykill near
Germantown that evening. Here they camped, while Washington inspected
Philadelphia's fortifications, and consulted with Congress. He also attended a dinner
given in his honor, where he was introduced to the Marquis de Lafayette, who had
recently arrived in the city.
On the 8th Washington held a "grand
review" of the troops. Lafayette also witnessed the review - his first sight of the
American troops he was soon to join.
Shortly the order was given to retrace their
steps to Coryell's Ferry. Washington felt the location on the Delaware had the
advantage of being close enough to protect Philadelphia as well as providing a head start
toward the north, if that should prove to be Howe's aim. In any event, he wanted the
troops pulled away from the city, because it afforded a temptation to both officers and
men to "indulge themselves in licenses inconsistent with discipline and order, and
consequently of a injurious tendency.".
On the morning of the 10th they reached
the Cross Roads (Hartsville), where they encamped at 6 P.M. Washington and his aides,
meanwhile, galloped direct from Germantown. His party consisted of 27 men. Judging
from the handwriting that appeared on the dispatches of the next two weeks, the officers
included Alexander Hamilton, Richard Kidder Meade, Robert Hanson Harrison, Tench
Tilghman, John Fitzgerald, Caleb Gibbs, and John Laurens.
The Warwick Township Location
The location, at the intersection of York and
Bristol Roads was a good one. It was close to the southwest branch of the Neshaminy,

The south side of historic Moland House, Washington's headquarters in August
of 1777, facing the Little Neshaminy Creek. From a painting circa 1945 prior
to recent additions to the house.
which must have seemed a godsend to the men in the August heat. Its banks were fairly
level in this area, affording easy access to the water. The only exception was to the north,
where York Road rises steeply up to Kerr's (or Carr's) Hill, and even that had its
advantages, for here the troops could enjoy what Davis' "History" calls the "artic drift"
that still sweeps across Warwick hills from the west.
Furthermore, the bridge over the creek,
built in 1756, must have been a substantial one to warrant mention in date-lines.
Unfortunately, before the week was over, heavy rains would turn the lowlands around
the bridge into a swamp.
The Local Population
Politically, the area was ideal. The
population of the surrounding countryside was almost entirely "Scotch-Irish", thanks
largely to the Neshaminy-Warwick Presbyterian Church not half a mile away, which
had been a magnet for this group since its founding in 1726.
Of all the minorities in the colonies, the
"Scotch-Irish" (as they are usually, if inaccurately called), had no Tories and no pacifists.
Descended from fighting stock, they formed a cordon of defense around the
non-fighting Quakers to the south and east.
These, then, were the people who opened
their farmhouses and their fields to the Colonials. No doubt their patriotism was a bit
strained by the end of the thirteen days.
The Area Surrounding the Encampment
Unfortunately, there are few contemporary
descriptions of the area at that time. The "Scotch-Irish" were not so concerned with
recordkeeping as their Quaker neighbors (Financial records were another matter!). A
census, taken seven years later in 1784 shows that Warwick township (which then
extended all the way up to Doylestown), had 609 whites, 27 "blacks and slaves."
When Washington camped there the
Crossroads area did possess three amenities (in addition to schools) which are
specifically mentioned in his correspondence: a church, a tavern and a mill, all of which
are still standing.
The Neshaminy-Warwick church was a
half mile down the creek. Nathaniel Irwin was the minister at that time, and like most
of his flock, he was an ardent patriot.
The Crossroads had boasted a tavern as
early as 1744. Just a day's ride out of Philadelphia, on the road to New York, it was an
ideal spot for travelers to stop. By 1777, there were houses on all four corners, and the
tavern license had jumped back and forth across the intersection many times.
The Hartsville Hotel, which was torn down
to make way for a gas station in the 1960's, was generally thought to be the tavern
mentioned in the correspondence during the encampment. However, a recent sudy of
deeds and licenses reveals that Davis and Buck were correct when they said that in 1777
the tavern was "on the northwest corner, opposite the present one", and is, therefore,
still standing. Furthernore, the tavern keeper was probably Adam Kerr, for four years
later his petition for a license to "retail liquors by small measure" states that he has kept
a "house of Publick Entertainment at the Crossroads...for several years past."
The mill stands just south of the Bridge. In
1777 its owner was a non-resident, John Campbell, a Philadelphia merchant. Like other
city dwellers, Campbell may have invested in real estate in the country as a precaution
against British occupation of the city. Two years later hs sold the mill to George Miller,
and it is tempting to speculate that Miller was operating it during the encampment, for
one of Washington's orders commands a guard to be posted "over Mr. Miller's Oats, to
consist of a Serjt and 10 men."
Washington Chooses a Headquarters

The north side of Moland house. This is the door that George Washington used to enter the house, as it was the door closest to Old York Road. In 1777 this was the main road between Philadelphia and New York.
Photo by Peter Brunner
A little to the north of the bridge stands the Moland house, where Washington set up his headquarters.
The historian William J. Buck described the
house in the first article ever published on the Neshaminy Encampment. W.W.H.
Davis, in his second edition of the History of Bucks County (1905), includes a
description:
"Washington quartered in the farm house
of John Moland, then lately deceased", says Davis. He refers to it as a "substantial stone
dwelling...in good preservation", then continues:
As when Washington occupied it, the first
floor of the main building is divided into two rooms with the entry near the kitchen;
the larger room being on the south (west) side and entered from the porch, the smaller,
back. The latter is thought to have been used by Washington as an office, the larger a
reception room. In each there was an open fireplace and then as now a door opened into
the kitchen. There has been no change in the porches in sixty years, and similar ones
may have been there 1777-8.
Buck claims it was the "best finished house
in the neighborhood" at the time of the Revolution. Considering the fact that many
structures in the mid-18th centry still consisted of one room downstairs and loft above,
often built of logs, John Moland's stone house must have seemed palatial.
John Moland was an important man in the
province. Born in London about 1700, he studied law at the Inner Temple.
Commissioned King's Attorney in Pennsylvania, he came here by way of the West
Indies. The earliest record of him in this country is a deed of purchase in 1737, which
refers to him as being "of the island of St. Christophers." The deed shows he bought 308
acres in Rockhill township in upper Bucks County from Thomas Freame, the husband
of William Penn's daughter Margaret. About the same time he married Catherine
Hutchinson, of New Castle, Delaware.
In 1740 Moland petitioned the court in
Newtown for admittance as attorney of the Court of Common Pleas, and was accepted
"according to his request". During the next two decades his name appears in connection
with cases before the Bucks County court, and several times he is referred to as "Justice."
Sometime prior to 1742 he was admitted to the Philadelphia bar, and acquired a
reputation of being one of its ablest members.
The Continental Army Sets Up Camp
While Washington was settling into the
widow Moland's house that hot Sunday evening, August 10, 1777, the troops were
pitching their tents throughout the countryside.
Across old York road was General Greene's
headquarters. Here, says Buck, all orders to the army were posted, here stood the
whipping post, while nearby was the post office.
A short distance to the east on Bristol road,
on the farm later owned by Major George Jamison, Lord Stirling's division was
stationed.
Opposite Stirling's division on Bristol road
General Conway's brigade of Pennsylvania troops was camped, and here, also, the cattle
were pastured and slaughtered for the army's use. Earlier in the summer Washington
had ordered that in all encampments the slaughter pens were to be placed at a distance
from any streams the soldiers planned to use and that the "offal" was to be buried once a
day--saving only enough to extract oil for lubricating gunlocks.
Late though it was when the troops arrived
at the Crossroads that Sunday evening one of the first orders issued according to Gen.
Muhlenberg's Orderly Book was: "As it is uncertain how long we shall remain in the
Present Encampment the Soldiers are to fix Booths before their Tents to shelter them
from the Heat. The Qr. Masters are to give directions Immediately to have Vaults
[latrines] dug in proper and Convenient Places...." These "vaults" were to be
camouflaged with "Bows and Bushes" in a single line to the rear of the camp. The men
were reminded that at their previous encampment there had been complaints that the
"Offensive smells" had become a "public nusence."
Each brigade also set up its own bake oven
which "by men that can understand it can be erected in a few hours". Bread baked in
this way, the General claimed, would be "wholesomer than the sodden cakes which are
by too commonly used." Although the flour turned out at the mill was fresh-ground,
the bread that resulted in 1777 was hardly gourmet fare. Two weeks later Washington
insisted that the Commissaries "supply the troops with hard bread. The present most
common mode of supply, by issuing flour which they make into bad bread, not only
injures their health, but is attended with delays sufficient to frustrate the most
important, and well-formed enterprises."
The soldiers were issued 5 ounces of soap a
week. Washington was a stickler for cleanliness, urging that the men appear "decent
and clean." Orders issued earlier in the summer cautioned about bathing "in the heat of
the day," and warned them not to "stay long in the water at a time." However, he
assured them that "bathing themselves moderately and washing their clothes are of
infinite service." This concern led, of course, to the amusing legend that the general
could be seen washing his own clothes in the Neshaminy.
Day-to-Day Difficulties
The scope of the problems Washington
dealt with during these thirteen days is extraordinary.
The morning after his arrival, on August
11th, he seems to have sensed the low morale of the men in the heat and the humidity,
for one of the first orders issued expressed his "approbation" of their conduct at their
Germantown encampment: he had heard few complaints with regard to the damage
done to fences. Although, as one historian put it, this "unwonted morality" may have
been due to the hot weather (which discouraged the desire for firewood), the General
was confident that by the "unwearied behavior" of the officers and the "good
disposition of the Soldiery" future abuses would be avoided.
There followed an order to the Commissary
General to provide and keep in the camp "Spiritous Liquors" to be issued to the men "as
the exigency of Service shall require." The price of liquor at that time was exorbitant,
due primarily to the high profit made by the sutlers, who sold it to the troops.
Washington, therefore, also ordered that a board of officers be recruited from each
regiment to investigate the prices which ought to satisfy the sutlers, and report back
their findings.
Attention was then turned to the problem
of deserters. Reports were to be delivered to the Brigadier immediately, so that the
offenders could be pursued and brought to justice.
Even the horses came in for their share of
concern. "Many light Dragoon horses being off their speed and broken down by the
extream carelessness and wantonness of the riders," continues Gen. Muhlenberg's
Orderly Book, "The Commr-in-Chief possitively [sic] orders that no non Comd Officer
or trooper in the Corps of Horse ever mount his horse except when on duty, nor leap
nor Gallop except for exercise under the direction of his Officer."
Gen. Conway's brigade was ordered to fire
their blank cartridges at 5 P.M. "in the way of exersise." All marching, parading, and
exercising was to be done after the heat of the day.
Before the day was over, John Dyer, of
Dyerstown (just north of Doylestown) visited the camp. His journal entry reads: "I saw
the American army Encamped near or at the Cross Roads; consisting of about 18,000
men in Bucks County." (Lafayette's estimate of 11,000 is generally considered more
accurate.)
On Tuesday, August 12th, the orders
continued to pour forth from the Moland house. Among others, the Major Generals
were commanded to fit up as many armories as were required to keep the arms of their
troops in repair, with one or two traveling forges to accompany each division.
By the 13th, the people from the
neighboring countryside began to appear at the camp with fresh vegetables. This pleased
the Commander-in-Chief, because, as he had said earlier in the summer, "Nothing can
be more comfortable and wholesome than vegetables, [and] every encouragement is to
be given to the country people to bring them in, the least insult to them will be severly
punished."
Fortunately for the inhabitants of Warwick,
the soldiers were on their best behavior, for Henry Laurens wrote his father that "we
hear very few complaints from those immediately about us of the violation of private
property."
At the end of the day Col. Pickering could
not resist a few comments about the Bucks County weather. "Such continual melting
hot weather," he complained, "is unknown in new England. We...had frequent showers
of rain and this day some severe thunder."
Where Were the British?
It was Saturday, August 16th, and still no
word on the whereabouts of the British; so Washington turned his attention to the
fighting in New York State. In a communique to Gen. Putnam, he wrote that he was
sending Col. Morgan's corps of riflemen to assist the northern army against the Indians,
for they would "fight them in their own way." Always the military strategist, he added:
"500 is the true strength of Morgan's corps, but it will answer a good purpose if you give
out they are double that number."
Then, on the assumption that the elusive
enemy would be sighted momentairly, a list of standing regulations was posted. The
order of the departure is carefully drawn up, the Pioneers and Artificers to go first to
"repair the roads and remove any Obstruction that may incommode the Line of March."
That evening at 6 o'clock, two "sober,
honest lads" who could speak French were to be sent to headquarters - "if such could be
found." Apparently the evening was to be spent discussing fortifications wht the French
engineers.
Washington and his staff put in long days at
the Moland house, starting at dawn and often not finishing till after midnight.
August 17, 1777 was a Sunday. Washington
had been at the Crossroads nearly a week. Gen. Green wrote Gen. Varnum: "Our
situation is not a little awkward - buried in the country, out of hearing of the enemy.
His excellency is exceedingly impatient; but it is said, if Philadelphia is lost, all, all is
ruined."
To add to the discomfort of the troops, there
had been heavy rains, causing the creek to rise and the ground to become saturated. To
help counteract the dampness, Washington issued the following General Orders:
"The ground being very wet, the Quarter
Master General is to procure as much straw (from which the grain has been threshed) as
possible, and distribute the same in the most equal manner among the troops....A gill of
rum, or other spirit is to be issued to-day, to each non-commissioned officer, soldier and
waggoner."
It was Monday, August 18, and still no word
of a sighting of the British fleet. Although preoccupied with Indians in New York,
Congress in Philadelphia, enthusiastic would-be Major Generals in Paris, and unhealthy
humidity along the Neshaminy, Washington took the time to acknowledge receipt of a
treatise on war which had been sent him for comment, and to congratulate a young
man on his intended marriage.
Lafayette Joins the Continental Army
A letter to Benjamin Harrison from
"Neshamini Bridge" on Tuesday the 19th brings Lafayette onto the scene. From
"various hints" it was Washington's conviction that Lafayette wanted the actual
command of a division as soon as he was considered ready for it. Accustomed to
foreigners who expected to instruct raw Colonials in the sophisticated art of war, the
General was impressed by a young man who had declared he had "come to learn, not to
teach." The letter concludes with the statement that the Marquis was then in
Philadelphia, but "expected up this day or tomorrow."
 The Marquis de Lafayette
Some historians, including Buck, believe
that Lafayette had arrived at the encampment long before this, returning briefly to
Philadelphia bearing a letter for Congress. In any case, his arrival on the 19th is
confirmed by Col. Pickering: "There has been an addition to the General's family
lately, the Marquis de Lafayette of one of the first families of France...a young gentleman
of modest manners, possessed of an immense fortune, a country at peace, and a wife...."
Where Lafayette and his aides stayed is a manner of conjecture. Neighborhood tradition
had them billeted in a stone farmhouse still standing across from the church. Even in
1912 a brochure sent out by the adjacent Log College Assembly Inn (formerly the old
Tennent School) promoted renting the "old Colonial house where, it is said,
Washington was a guest and Lafayette had his headquarters."
Lafayette's English would have been
challenged if he could have heard the name given to the house a century and a quarter
later: "Alta-Vista-under-the-Three-Giant-Sycomores-by-the-Edge-o'-the-Wood" [sic]!
The Tenth Day
It was now August 20th, the tenth day of the
encampment. Refuse was beginning to accumulate, and the camp colour men were
ordered to bury it.
There had been no dependable news of the
enemy's fleet for two weeks, and everyone from private to general was feeling restive in
the depressing August humidity.
The next morning Washington called a
Council of War in the reception room of the Moland house.
Present at the council, in addition to the
Commander-in-Chief, were Major Generals Greene, Stirling, Stephen, and Lafayette;
and Brigadier Generals Maxwell, Knox, Wayne, Muhlenberg, Weedon, Woodford, Scott,
and Conway. This was Lafayette's first apperance in the decision-making group.
The conclusion of the council was that
Howe was probably planning an attack on Charleston, and since the Americans could
not possibly arrive in time to protect it, they should proceed immediately to the North
[Hudson] River, and either make an attempt on New York or attack Gen. Burgoyne.
Sucess in either case would help counteract the losses in the south.
A copy of the council's deliberations and
conclusions was carried that afternoon to the Congress by Col. Hamiltion, who was
ordered to "bring back the result of their Opinions."
In a postscript the General added: "That I
may not appear inconsistent to advise and to act, before I obtain an Opinion, I beg leave
to mention that I shall move the Army to the Delaware, tomorrow Morning, to change
their Ground at any rate, as their present Encampment begins to be disagreeable and
would injure their Health in a short time. Our forage also begins to grow scarce here."
The Warwick countryside was beginning to
feel the effects of supporting 11,000 men and their horses.
At 3 P.M. the afternoon of the 21st young
Col. Hamilton dashed into the hall of Congress with Washington's report. After reading
it, Congress adjourned for two hours.
By a strange coincidence, only that morning
word had been received in Philadelphia that the British fleet of "upwards of one
hundred sail" had been seen the night of the 14th in the Chesapeake Bay. This
intelligence had been immediately forwarded to Washington, but the courier must
have passed Hamilton en route.
Since no further news of the fleet had been
received during the day, when Congress reassembled at 5 P.M. that evening it passed a
resolution approving Washington's plan, and giving him permission to act "as
circumstances require."
Meanwhile Washington instigated
preparations to march towards Coryell's Ferry. In settling the accounts, a bill was paid
for butter, potatoes, cucumbers, beets, cabbage, milk, chickens, a large "foul", eggs and
"sower milk" - all listed as "Articles had of the Woman at Whose house the Gen. Lived
at Cross Roads." Certainly the widow Moland could use the money!

Count Pulaski
During that busy day an important visitor
showed up at headquarters. Count Pulaski was received at the Moland house with a
letter from Benjamin Franklin, introducing him as a gentleman of "character and
Military Abilities." Noting that Pulaski "takes this from me, as an introductory letter
at his own request," Washington dispatched him with introductions to President
Hancock and George Clymer.
Pulaski's arrival was also welcomed by
Lafayette, for he had brought the first letter the Marquis had received from his wife
Adrienne since his departure from France in June. They had one child, Henriette, and
were expecting a second; so the young man was eager for news.
Although August 21st was the most
interesting of the thirteen days, with its Council of War, the introduction of Pulaski,
and the preparations to march, it ended anticlimatically. When the courier from
Congress finally arrived with the news that the fleet had been sighted in the
Chesapeake, Washington cautiously decided to cancel his marching orders. He relayed
another communique to Congress: "I am this moment honored with yours of this
morning...I shall in consequence halt upon my present ground till I hear something
further."
Reluctantly he spent another night at the
Moland house.
August 22nd dawned with no indication
that by the end of the day the suspense would finally be over.
The Brigadiers and officers were ordered to
assemble the next morning at 9 A.M. "at the tavern by the cross roads, to consider of the
reports made to them relative to the prices of liquors sold by the sutlers." The tavern
keeper, Adam Kerr, could hardly have resisted eavesdropping, when he heard the
subject under discussion!
In the meantime word was received that
morning in Philadephia that the fleet had again been sighted, this time "high up" in the
northeast part of the Chesapeake. Obviously Gen. Howe intended to make a landing in
Maryland, then march on the city. His "strange route," as Washington referred to it, had
been caused by "contrary" winds.
When this long-awaited news was relayed
to the Neshaminy headquarters, the camp suddenly roused from its lethargy (even the
sentinels had been sitting at their posts) and became a beehive of activity. Congress was
informed that the army would march in the early morning toward Philadelphia, then
continue south, where it would be joined by other units.
In the midst of the bustle of breaking camp
a messenger galloped in with news of Gen. Stark's victory at Bennington. An elated
Washington immediately had a bulletin posted, informing the troops that their
brothers-in-arms had behaved in a "very brave and heroic manner."
Orders To Move Out
Finally, the army was ordered to march the
next morning - if it should not rain, proceeding in exactly the same order as that posted
the day before. Thirty men were to follow in the rear of the baggage "to pick up all
stragglers, and see that the sick are not neglected."
At 4 A.M. August 23rd, the main body of
the American army began to pull out of the Neshaminy encampment. 11,000 ragged
men, some wearing British uniforms they had stripped from the dead, trudged back
down York Road toward Philadelphia. They carried the "Stars and Stripes" which
Congress had officially adopted two months before, and which, it is said, was unfurled
here for the first time.
General Greene's division was in the lead,
sloshing out of the muddy meadow along the creek, past Greene's headquarters, the
whipping post, and the spot where the General Orders had been posted for the preceding
tweleve days. They were followed by the troops on the hill, and those on James
Wallace's land. They marched past the mill, then climbed the small rise to the tavern at
the Crossroads.
Here the divisions of Generals Stirling and
Conway wheeled in from Bristol Road to the east, and from the west the sick were
carted from the church, leaving it empty for the court-martial that would sit at nine
o'clock. If Lafayette was indeed quartered across Meetinghouse Road from the church,
he probably waited for Washington and his staff to leave the Moland house and cross
the Neshaminy bridge for the last time.
The inhabitants of Warwick and
Warminster must have whistled the tune played by the fifers. Even Washington had
admitted not long before that the local people "dread our halting among them even for
a night, and are happy when they get rid of us."
Before he left, Washington had one final
duty to perform. An entry in his account book reads: "To cash paid Mrs. Moland for her
furniture etc. - £5.5s." The last notation of August 23rd proves him the perfect guest:
"To cash paid woman for Cleaning the Kitchen - £1.2s. 6P."
Copyright, 1995 Bucks County Historical Society. All Rights Reserved.
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